World Library  
Flag as Inappropriate
Email this Article

Great Vowel Shift

Article Id: WHEBN0000012872
Reproduction Date:

Title: Great Vowel Shift  
Author: World Heritage Encyclopedia
Language: English
Subject: Phonological history of English diphthongs, History of the English language, Phonological history of English vowels, Middle English, Vowel shift
Publisher: World Heritage Encyclopedia

Great Vowel Shift

The Great Vowel Shift was a major change in the pronunciation of the English language that took place in England between 1350 and 1700.[1][2] The Great Vowel Shift was first studied by Otto Jespersen (1860–1943), a Danish linguist and Anglicist, who coined the term.[3]

Because English spelling was becoming standardized in the 15th and 16th centuries, the Great Vowel Shift is responsible for many of the peculiarities of English spelling.[4]


The main difference between the pronunciation of Middle English and Modern English is in the value of the long vowels, described as the Great Vowel Shift. Vowels of Middle English had "continental" values much like those remaining in Spanish and liturgical Latin. However, during the Great Vowel Shift, the two highest long vowels became diphthongs, and the other five underwent an increase in tongue height.

The principal changes (with the vowels shown in IPA) are roughly as follows.[5] However, exceptions occur, the transitions were not always complete, and there were sometimes accompanying changes in orthography:

Changes to the long front vowels Changes to the long back vowels
Middle English     fronted to     and then raised to    ,     and in many dialects diphthongized in Modern English to     (as in make). The [aː] in the Middle English words in question had arisen earlier from lengthening of short a in open syllables and from French loan words. Old English     was rounded and raised to early Middle English    . This Middle English [ɔː] then raised to    , and in the 18th century this became Modern English     or     (as in boat).
Middle English     raised to     and then to modern English [iː] (as in beak). Middle English     raised to Modern English     (as in boot).
Middle English     raised to Modern English     (as in feet).
Middle English     diphthongized to [ɪi], which was most likely followed by [əɪ] and finally Modern English     (as in mice). Middle English     was diphthongized in most environments to [ʊu], and this was followed by    , and then Modern English     (as in mouse) in the 18th century. Before labial consonants, this shift did not occur, and [uː] remains as in soup and room (its Middle English spelling was roum).

This means that the vowel in the English word same was in Middle English pronounced [aː] (similar to modern psalm); the vowel in feet was [eː] (similar to modern fate); the vowel in wipe was [iː] (similar to modern weep); the vowel in boot was [oː] (similar to modern boat); and the vowel in mouse was [uː] (similar to modern moose).

The effects of the shift were not entirely uniform, and differences in degree of vowel shifting can sometimes be detected in regional dialects both in written and in spoken English. In Northern English, the long back vowels remained unaffected, the long front vowels having undergone an earlier shift.[6] In Scotland, Scots differed in its input to the Great Vowel Shift, the long vowels [iː], [eː] and [aː] shifted to [ei], [iː] and [eː] by the Middle Scots period, [oː] had shifted to [øː] in Early Scots and [uː] remained unaffected.[7]

The effect of the Great Vowel Shift may be seen very clearly in the English names of many of the letters of the alphabet. A, B, C and D are pronounced /eɪ, biː, siː, diː/ in today's English, but in contemporary French they are /a, be, se, de/. The French names (from which the English names are derived) preserve the qualities of the English vowels from before the Great Vowel Shift. By contrast, the names of F, L, M, N and S (/ɛf, ɛl, ɛm, ɛn, ɛs/) remain the same in both languages, because "short" vowels were largely unaffected by the Shift.


Not all words underwent certain phases of the Great Vowel Shift. ea in particular did not take the step to [iː] in several words, such as great, break, steak, swear, and bear. The vowels mentioned in words like break or steak underwent shortening, possibly due to the plosives following the vowels, and then diphthongization. The presence of [r] in swear and bear caused the vowel quality to be retained, though not in all cases. Other examples are father, which failed to become [ɛː], and broad, which failed to become [oʊ]. The word room, which was spelled as roum in Middle English, retains its Middle English pronunciation, so it is an exception to the shifting of [uː] to [aʊ]. This is because it is followed by m, a labial consonant.

Shortening of long vowels at various stages produced further complications. ea is again a good example, shortening commonly before coronal consonants such as d and th, thus: dead, head, threat, wealth etc. (This is known as the bred–bread merger.) oo was shortened from [uː] to [ʊ] in many cases before k, d and less commonly t, thus book, foot, good etc. Some cases occurred before the change of [ʊ] to [ʌ]: blood, flood. Similar, yet older shortening occurred for some instances of ou: could.

Note that some loanwords, such as soufflé and Umlaut, have retained a spelling from their origin language that may seem similar to the previous examples; but, since they were not a part of English at the time of the Great Vowel Shift, they are not actually exceptions to the shift.

Possible causes

Experts in linguistics and cultural history continue to debate possible reasons for the vowel shift.[8]

  • Some theories emphasise the mass migration after the Black Death in the mid-14th century to southeast England, where differences in accents led to some groups modifying their speech to allow for a standard pronunciation of vowel sounds.
  • Another theory foregrounds a sudden social mobility after the Black Death, with people from lower levels in society moving to higher levels (the pandemic also having hit the aristocracy).
  • Another explanation highlights the language of the ruling class: the medieval aristocracy had spoken French, but by the early 15th century they had come to use English. This may have caused a change to the "prestige accent" of English, either by making pronunciation more French in style or by changing it in some other way, perhaps by hypercorrection to something thought as "more English" (England being at war with France for much of this period). But there is just as much evidence of the hypercorrection to be "more English" as there is for it to be "more French" (with French still the slightly favored language of the upper class).
  • Another possible influence, the great political and social upheavals of the 15th century, were largely contemporaneous with the vowel shift.
  • The fact that vowel shifts occurred in other Germanic languages as well may indicate that there was some inherent instability in the English vowels used before the Great Vowel Shift. The change could have occurred spontaneously in one dialect and then spread outwards as others who heard it thought that the diphthongs were clearer (less ambiguous) than the long vowels they supplanted.

Effect on spelling

The printing press was introduced to England in the 1470s by William Caxton and later Richard Pynson. The adoption and use of the printing press accelerated the process of standardization of English spelling which continued into the 16th century. The standard spellings were those of Middle English pronunciation, as well as spelling conventions continued from Old English. However, the Middle English spellings were retained into Modern English while the Great Vowel Shift was taking place, resulting in some of the peculiarities of Modern English spelling in relation to vowels.

Research history

Other Germanic languages

German and Dutch

German and Dutch also experienced sound changes resembling the first stage of the Great Vowel Shift. In German, by the 15th or 16th centuries, long [iː] had changed to [ɛɪ] (today [aɪ]), as in Eis, 'ice', and long [uː] to [aʊ], as in Haus, 'house', though some dialects resist those changes to this day (Alemannic, Limburgish, Ripuarian and most varieties of Lower German). In Dutch, the former became [ɛi] (ijs), and the latter had earlier become [yː], which then became [œy] (huis). In German, there also was a separate [yː], which became [ɔʏ], via an intermediate similar to the Dutch. In the Polder Dutch pronunciation, the shift has actually been carried further than in Standard Dutch, with a very similar result as in German and English.

Dutch and German have, like English, also shifted common Germanic *[oː] to [uː] (German) or [u] (Dutch), as in Proto-Germanic *fōt- 'foot' > German Fuß, Dutch voet (as well as the rare secondary *[eː] to [iː] in German and [i] in Dutch). However, this similarity turns out to be superficial on closer inspection. Given the huge differences between the structures of Old English vowel phonology on one side, and that of Old Dutch and Old High German on the other, this is hardly surprising. While there is no indication that English long vowels other than [aː] did anything but move up in tongue-body position, Dutch [u] and German [uː] appear to have come about through a process of diphthongization.

In the very earliest longer, connected Old High German and Old Dutch texts of the 9th century, the vowel [oː] is already largely written -uo-. That is, it had broken into a nucleus with a centering glide. This complex nucleus smoothed in Middle High German and Middle Dutch, becoming the [uː] of Modern German and the [u] of Modern Dutch around the same time as the long high vowels began to diphthongize.

The [oː] of Modern German has a variety of sources, the oldest of which is Proto-Germanic *aw, which smoothed before /t d r x/ (so rot 'red', Ohr 'ear', Floh 'flea', etc.) Elsewhere the sound was written -ou- in Old High German. In Old Dutch, this sound had become -o- everywhere, explaining the difference in words such as Dutch boom and German Baum.

While English has generally kept the original orthography from before the vowel shift, the orthography of German, and to a lesser extent Dutch, has been adjusted so that it corresponds to modern pronunciation. Therefore, pronunciation of German and Dutch words is largely predictable from spelling. As a result, unpredictable pairs (spelling-wise) such as wind vs. find, and meat vs. great vs. threat do not occur.

Norwegian, Swedish and Danish

Norwegian and Swedish also experienced something similar to the Great Vowel Shift in their back vowels, although the results were different. As in early modern English, [ɔː] (spelled å) shifted to [oː], while the long o had chain-shifted to [uː] (in comparison to English "oo"). But instead of diphthongizing, the older [uː] was fronted to [ʉː]. Danish has not undergone these changes in the back vowels, but instead the front vowels have been affected. As in early modern English, long a, [aː], shifted to [æː] (short a is now [æ], like in standard English), while long e, [eː], has moved toward [iː], almost clashing with long i.

See also


  1. ^ Stockwell, Robert (2002). "How much shifting actually occurred in the historical English vowel shift?". In Minkova, Donka; Stockwell, Robert. Studies in the History of the English Language: A Millennial Perspective ( 
  2. ^ Wyld, H. C. (1957) [1914], A Short History of English 
  3. ^  
  4. ^ Denham, Kristin; Lobeck, Anne (2009), Linguistics for Everyone: An Introduction, Cengage Learning, p. 89 
  5. ^ Wheeler, L Kip. "Middle English consonant sounds" (PDF). 
  6. ^ Wales, K (2006), Northern English: a cultural and social history, Cambridge: Cambridge University, p. 48 .
  7. ^ Macafee, Caroline; Aitken, A. J., A History of Scots to 1700, DOST 12, pp. lvi–lix 
  8. ^ Wolfe, Particia (1972). Linguistic Change and the Great Vowel Shift in English. Los Angeles: University of California Press.  


External links

This article was sourced from Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License; additional terms may apply. World Heritage Encyclopedia content is assembled from numerous content providers, Open Access Publishing, and in compliance with The Fair Access to Science and Technology Research Act (FASTR), Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., Public Library of Science, The Encyclopedia of Life, Open Book Publishers (OBP), PubMed, U.S. National Library of Medicine, National Center for Biotechnology Information, U.S. National Library of Medicine, National Institutes of Health (NIH), U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, and, which sources content from all federal, state, local, tribal, and territorial government publication portals (.gov, .mil, .edu). Funding for and content contributors is made possible from the U.S. Congress, E-Government Act of 2002.
Crowd sourced content that is contributed to World Heritage Encyclopedia is peer reviewed and edited by our editorial staff to ensure quality scholarly research articles.
By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. World Heritage Encyclopedia™ is a registered trademark of the World Public Library Association, a non-profit organization.

Copyright © World Library Foundation. All rights reserved. eBooks from World eBook Library are sponsored by the World Library Foundation,
a 501c(4) Member's Support Non-Profit Organization, and is NOT affiliated with any governmental agency or department.